This essay in print in the May/June 2023 Barnes Review
Unbeknownst to many Americans then and now, World War II was essentially a conflict between the forces of Communism versus Nationalism and particularly ethno-Nationalism, for the power to determine the future fate of world history. Since the forces of Communism were embodied not just in the USSR but also Britain, France and the U.S., it prevailed over the Nationalist and ethno-Nationalist coalition embodied in National Socialist Germany, Fascist Italy, Nationalist Hungary, Romania, Japan, and the Waffen SS all-European army.
This is surely a simplistic depiction, since Jewish totalitarian capitalists and Judeo-Freemasonic forces also allied with Jewish Communism (Stalin the Goy exception) against the Nationalist coalition.
A number of National Socialist organizations were active and effective in the U.S. even prior to the full leadership of the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) in 1933 in Germany, and throughout the war, as we saw in Part 1. Communist and primarily Jewish war propaganda had been effective in the U.S. in demonizing National Socialism, and continued the propaganda after the war. The House Un-American Activities Committee, the FBI and other agencies continued their monitoring and disruption activities. As such any U.S.-based National Socialist groups or individuals had to move underground and greatly curtail their activities.
Such groups had learned a similar lesson as had the previous German-American Bund. They could be more effective—and survive longer—in advancing the cause of National Socialism by displaying more American symbolism and messaging than German. One distinction of the post war groups was more members of European sub-racial types other than German, and a turn toward White rather than strictly German advocacy. Post-war conditions in America also restricted the numbers of members compared to pre-war numbers, and factors such as income level, education, agency in main-stream society and mental health suffered.
The Columbians
New Georgia Caption: “Columbians Threatening Neighborhood”
As soon as the summer of 1946, an organization formerly emerged in Georgia called The Columbian Workers Movement of America. Emory Burke was its main founder and leader, with connections to remnants of war-time groups. Soon The Columbians secured a headquarters, uniforms, flags and a newsletter, featuring a red thunderbolt. Their numbers never exceeded 200, with a couple dozen active members. Their focus was primarily racialist, and they engaged with the issue of black encroachment into White neighborhoods, including conducting safety patrols to deter black criminals. The group collapsed and disbanded when members injured a black man found at night in a White neighborhood. Burke and others were arrested, their charter was revoked at the urging of Atlanta’s powerful Jewish community, and some members departed to emerge later in new National Socialist affiliated groups.[1]
National Renaissance Party (NRP)
By 1949 another organization had emerged, composed at first of a number of fragments from pre-war groups. Led by young newcomer James Madole, it defined its ideological positions in a newsletter which persisted until 1979. These included anti-capitalist and anti-Christian positions, support for Russian nationalists vs. the Bolshevik Jews, “anti-semitism” generally, and pro-Aryan racialism. National Socialist spiritual ideologue Francis Parker Yockey attended meetings but never became a member. Early iconography included the swastika and thunderbolt, and eventually a self-defense force was formed, the Elite Guard, with uniforms, to protect the members from violent assault during public events. This is a defining feature of many of these groups throughout history, starting with the NSDAP SA (Sturmabteilung). A young Matt Koehl was a leader of the Elite Guard, who will appear later among perhaps the most effective group of the post-war period.
The NRP was active in New York City, conducting sidewalk speeches and literature distribution. The Jewish community urged the FBI to investigate NRP, and by 1954 the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) under Jewish Rep. and known Soviet agent Dickstein that persecuted the Bund, now under Rep. Velde, interrogated and harassed members of NRP. Many quit and departed in fear of another mass arrest, but Burke continued. In late 1954 the HUAC issued its “Preliminary Report on Neo-Fascist and Hate Groups,” which declared NRP and others “Un-American” but not an immediate threat. This de facto ended any real activities of the NRP.[2]
National States Rights Party (NSRP)
This organization formed in 1957 partly through the efforts of former Columbian Edward Fields. Not National Socialist per se, the NSRP focused on White race issues in America, as did many post-war groups in reaction to the “civil rights movement.” An initial gathering in Tennessee merged a number of smaller groups into the larger organization, and included Emory Burke also from the Columbians, and Matt Koehl from NRP. Over the next 20 years the NSRP maintained the largest membership of any other in the U. S. It produced a monthly newspaper with the same name as the Columbians’, The Thunderbolt, and featured a thunderbolt on its flag and other materials.
It had members who overlapped with other National Socialist organizations and the Ku Klux Klan (Scottish or possibly Greek dialect for Circle Clan), and significantly acted as an informal political and educational aspect of the KKK. Fields retained National Socialist affiliated members by privately claiming the group’s letters also meant “National Socialist Revolution Party.”[3]
Five men with “affiliations” to the NSRP were accused of bombing a Jewish synagogue in Atlanta in the NSRP’s full inaugural year of 1958. That group called itself Confederate Underground however, and the five men were acquitted of the crime at trial. NSRP member John Cromellin sent an open letter to FBI Director J Edgar Hoover, claiming the bombing was self-inflicted by Jews themselves on their own temple, as a ploy with several objectives, including an excuse to increase FBI security at Jewish institutions.[4] No persons were killed or injured in the explosion.
The Party fielded candidates in 1960: Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus for President and retired Navy Admiral John Cromellin for Vice President. It tried again in 1964 with Klan member John Kasper for President and NSRP leader and attorney J B Stoner for Vice President. Neither campaign returned many votes. Fields gave more attention to his KKK activities. Jewish Attorney General and son and grandson of Rabbis Edward Levi investigated the group (previously subject to the FBI’s COINTELPRO surveillance and infiltration program), and it began to decline. By 1980 Stoner was convicted of a bombing, Fields was expelled for neglect, and without such leadership the NSRP disbanded in 1987.[5] At its height in the 1960s the NSRP was the largest such group, with members throughout the nation, and a distribution of its newspaper The Thunderbolt: The Whiteman’s Viewpoint of up to 25,000.
The American Nazi Party & George Lincoln Rockwell
One participant in the Tennessee initial meeting that birthed the NSRP who did not join that organization was a 39 year old retired Navy Commander who had fought against “Nazis” in World War II and Communists in Korea. During the Korean War he supported General Douglas MacArthur for President in 1952, and studied his first “anti-semitic” material. This led him to wonder if Hitler had been right about the Jews, and he bought a used copy of Mein Kampf. As stated in his autobiography This Time the World: “And that was the end of Lincoln Rockwell, the ‘nice guy’ — the ‘dumb goy’ — and the beginning of an entirely different person.”[6]
George Lincoln Rockwell began his organizing in Arlington Virginia in 1958, hanging a large swastika flag sent to him by a colleague on the inside wall of his home/headquarters where drivers and pedestrians could see it. A few adherents trickled in, and Rockwell presented a convoluted name for the organization, which settled out as The American Nazi Party. He designed uniforms for the small but dedicated number of members, and commenced phase 1 of his 4-phase plan leading toward his election as President of the United States.
Rockwell implemented phase 1 over the next 8 years, from 1959-1967. Its objective was to make himself and his organization household words, by forcing the main media to report on his outrageous and flagrant advocacy of “gas Jew traitors,” “blacks back to Africa,” display of the demonized swastika symbol and open praise for the equally demonized Adolf Hitler. Phase 1 was largely successful when Rockwell gave an interview with Playboy magazine[7] in 1966, and other public appearances. ANP literature and messaging was also designed to be inflammatory and provocative in order to increase notoriety. The ANP fielded a “hate bus” which toured areas of the country, including a trip to New Orleans to counter-demonstrate opposite a “love bus” displayed by black protesters.
Rockwell’s speaking events at college campuses included aspects of phase 2, where he shifted from openly provocative statements to more legitimate educational and historical material. He focused on Communist activity in the US, denunciation of the “civil rights movement,” World War II historical revision and White race issues. Leaving off his swastika armband, Rockwell dressed in suit and tie for these addresses direct to the audience, where media could not distort. One such speech came to the attention of college professor William Pierce, who soon moved to work with the ANP, though never formally joined as a member. Pierce would go on to found the National Alliance.
Rockwell and the ANP saw great success in the street demonstrations and speeches it gave in White Chicago neighborhoods subject to “black invasion” by Jewish realtors placing blacks among Whites, in 1966. Thousands of White Baltic immigrant residents joined Rockwell at a mass rally at Marquette Park on August 21, and on the “White People’s March” into the nearby black ghetto on September 10. Possibly this visible popularity for Rockwell and ANP shamed Martin Luther King into leaving the area forever.[8]
Thereafter Rockwell decided to shift fully to phase 2. On January 1, 1967 the name was changed to National Socialist White People’s Party. By June a national conference was convened at the Arlington VA headquarters, to announce the new direction. The slogan “White Power!” became prominent, and the party newsletter became White Power: The Newspaper of White Revolution. Rockwell worked on his second book White Power. Behind its success in Chicago, the NSWPP was trying to appeal to main stream middle class Whites, their businesses, police officers and civil servants.
Loss of The Commander
On June 28, 1967, gunshots were fired at Rockwell as he stood outside the Arlington headquarters. Rockwell chased the suspects, but they escaped in a waiting car. Rockwell identified one of the suspects as possibly John Patler, an ANP officer he had expelled previously for dissension.[9]
The assassination occurred on August 25, 1967 in Arlington. Rockwell departed from headquarters in his car to the nearby laundromat—indicative of the lack of funds and personnel of which the ANP chronically suffered. On returning, he was struck in the heart by one of two rounds fired from the roof of the laundromat. Rockwell managed to exit his car and gesture toward the gunman before falling dead. The gunman was apprehended by police while waiting at a bus stop. It was indeed John Patler, real name Patsalos, who had a criminal record for homicide himself and in his family. He served eight years of a twenty year sentence for first-degree murder, and as of 2017 was thought to be living free in New York City.[10] One account by a claimed insider among the ANP gained knowledge that Patler was informed of Rockwell’s movements by a traitor, one of four men who were inside the headquarters on that tragic day.[11]
George Lincoln Rockwell “The Commander” was dead, and after profound mourning, the National Socialist expression in America would carry on in new forms.
The National Socialist White People’s Party Soldiers On
Leadership of the NSWPP fell to Matt Koehl. Lacking the charisma and personality of Rockwell, Koehl took a steady methodical approach to building up the Party, which saw some success. After a brief surge of support following Rockwell’s death, membership declined, funding dried up, some offices closed, and in late 1967 the Party was even evicted from the Arlington headquarters.[12] Koehl struggled merely to keep the Party alive. The New York Times published “Rockwell’s Nazis Lost Without Him” on April 8, 1968[13]
Matt Koehl struggles on
In 1969 the party purchased a new headquarters, published Rockwell’s book White Power in hardcover, and the newsletter by the same name saw publication again. At this time William Pierce became National Secretary, and former captain of Stormtroopers Robert Lloyd became National Organizer. A dispute between Koehl and Pierce led to Pierce leaving and later forming The National Alliance.
Koehl steadily built the party to some prominence throughout the Seventies, with offices in numerous cities, and affiliate groups the Stormtroopers, the National Socialist Women’s Organization (NSWO), and the National Socialist Youth Movement, along with a group for college students. Public demonstrations continued, including Koehl leading 126 Stormtroopers in uniform in a parade in Cleveland in 1973.[14] Chicago and Los Angeles chapters expanded activities as well and sought semi-autonomy. The NSWPP fielded political candidates, and in at least one instance gained thirty percent of the White vote, while NSWO candidate Sandra Enders came within 300 votes of winning the 1977 primary race for Milwaukee school board.
By 1980 Koehl and chief of staff Martin Kerr issued “The Twelve Points,” outlining a new National Socialist American society in all key aspects. Soon after came Koehl’s “The Revolutionary Nature of National Socialism,” which pivoted ideology from saving White Western civilization to preparing a “post-Western Aryan civilization” after the inevitable collapse.
Kerr’s history we are following here attributes the decline of the NSWPP after 1978 to increasing irrelevance as the “counter-culture,” Vietnam war protests, and White racial consciousness declined, as well as the false hopes Whites placed in the Ronald Reagan Presidency in 1980. The federal government, especially the IRS, began to harass and challenge the party, depleting it of funds and energy.
Another account however, presented in White Revolt! by Party member eyewitness Leon Dilios, attributes the decline of the NSWPP to internal sabotage and subversion by Koehl himself. Affiliate offices around the nation were closed and Koehl brought all focus to the new smaller headquarters in Arlington. There party activities were restricted mostly to publication of uninspiring material such as the newsletter, while many party members craved action. A 23 year old Frank Collin had come to Arlington from the Chicago area to work at the national office, but returned home disappointed, seeing many other formerly enthusiastic activists leave the Party in 1968.
The Midwest Plan & National Socialist Party of America
In late 1968, Koehl appointed Collin Midwest Coordinator and provided him with a contact list. Collin commenced rebuilding membership, raising funds, eventually purchasing another headquarters and reaching out to the same White residents around Marquette Park and Gage Park the Chicago NSWPP visited by Rockwell had advocated for earlier. The growing group fielded uniformed members in parades and demonstrations against Communists, such as the May Day 1969 parade, where members revealed their swastika arm bands and attacked marchers carrying Viet Cong flags and pro-Communist Vietnam signs. This gained national news attention, and Collin’s Midwest Plan surged.
Frank Collin in Chicago NSWPP
More demonstrations, street battles, a speech at a university and other activities followed, and then Collin and Midwest members attended the national assembly in Arlington on Labor Day 1969. Afterward Koehl tried to curtail Midwest operations and recall Collin to Arlington, but the Midwest contingent refused and increased activities. This is when Collin received a letter from Bruno Luedtke, an original German National Socialist who had acted as advisor to Rockwell. Luedtke revealed his suspicions that Matt Koehl had been the traitor in the headquarters who had called Patler to inform him of the opportunity to assassinate Rockwell. Leudtke believed that the current failure of the NSWPP was due to infiltration of its leadership by the enemy, “for the purpose, not of destroying the Party, but attracting as many National Socialists as possible and misleading them through futile conduct onto an ideological merry-go-round.”[15]
Suspicions were fed by the murder of Joseph Tommasi, young leader of the successful Los Angeles branch. Tommasi was having growing membership and success, resisting Koehl’s efforts to recall him to Arlington. Eventually Koehl expelled Tommasi from the Party, so Tommasi formed his independent National Socialist Liberation Front (NSLF). Koehl had installed a branch of the NSWPP nearby to the NSLF as competition for members—as Koehl did in Chicago and elsewhere. While Tomassi was driving by this office on August 15, 1975, he was shot dead by the duty officer there. The NSLF collapsed but remnants would spawn the largest group into the 21st century, the National Socialist Movement.[16]
Frank Collin and the Chicago branch were removed in the spring of 1970 and Koehl sent an associate to replace them, attempting to confiscate the building. Collin and his loyalists physically stormed their former headquarters and ejected Koehl’s representative, and thereafter declared themselves an independent organization, the National Socialist Party of America (NSPA).
The NSPA faced repeated attacks on its headquarters including one by Dykes Against Fascism, arrests of its members including Collin, denial of permits to speak and demonstrate in public, and frequent lack of funds. It overcame to build enthusiastic support against black encroachment among White residents in its neighborhood, continued to distribute literature, conducted more street actions against Communists and Jews, fielded candidates for political office, and brought legal actions against the Chicago establishment. The NSPA was often featured in national news.
A ruling in favor of NSPA free speech came from the Illinois Appellate Court on October 28, 1971. The Party’s public demonstrations created negative views for the Administration including Mayor Daley and powerful Jews, who denied the right to free speech to “Nazis” but granted it readily to Communists. White voting blocs started to turn against the Administration, and so the Court ruled to restore freedom of speech to the NSPA.
Operation Skokie
The Party had been threatening to demonstrate with swastika flags flying in the largely Jewish suburb of Skokie, where permits to speak in public had been denied based on new ordinances. This led to lower court rulings in favor of free speech, which went to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1978. The Court ruled three Skokie ordinances were unconstitutional, and a July 9 NSPA demonstration could proceed.[17]
Collin never conducted the demonstration in Skokie, deeming it unnecessary. He had gotten the legal victory, which the NSPA applied to a large demonstration in downtown Chicago on July 9 to around a thousand White residents. Organizing focused in the White neighborhood around Marquette Park. White Revolt! provides a summary:
“Operation Skokie climaxed in National Socialism’s greatest success since the Third Reich. Nothing comparable had ever been achieved before by the Movement in America. A grand strategy of beating Democracy at its own crooked game, combined with unbending willpower and personal courage, quite literally forced prestigious opponents and their colossal institutions, unthinkably more powerful than the comparably minuscule NSPA, to remove the very manacles with which they themselves had shackled freedom of speech for race-conscious Whites.”
In reprisal, soon after organizers of an enemy coalition announced they would physically destroy NSPA headquarters, Rockwell Hall. Around 200 angry protesters led by John Kerry (Jewish future Sec. of State under Obama) and Rahm Emanuel (Jewish future Mayor of Chicago, Clinton Presidential advisor and Obama Chief of Staff) were met outside the headquarters by 35 NSPA members armed with clubs and pipes. Police attended but did not intervene, and the angry mob departed without incident.[18]
Collin turned to other priorities as well, including publishing a newspaper, The Order, which ended up being the longest running publication of any National Socialist group including the German original, persisting until the early 2000s. Collin entered the race for City Alderman in late 1978, conducting a vigorous campaign among sympathetic voters in his district, but a strange exodus of Party members in early 1979 left him with too few members to monitor polling stations, and it appeared the election was stolen from him. Morale suffered, and some members contemplated a more militant route to power, which Collin perhaps rightly proclaimed would be disastrous. He and loyalists discovered infiltrators, saboteurs and informants in the ranks, including agents of the CIA’s COINTELPRO program and Anti-Defamation League. The NSPA viewed these new tactics against it as signs that it had become a serious threat to Jewish power and the anti-White Establishment.
The Greensboro Massacre
The NSPA maintained a unit in North Carolina. The Communist Workers Party had invited (challenged) them to a demonstration titled “Death to the Klan” at a black housing complex, Morningside Homes, in Greensboro. Forty NSPA/KKK members accepted, and on November 3, 1979, drove to the demonstration in a convoy of vehicles. When their vehicles were attacked with bats and clubs, the members jumped out and retaliated in what had become a common street battle. This event escalated when a Communist fired a pistol, and the NSPA/KKK members returned fire with pistols and shot guns. Five of the CWP members—two blacks, one Jew, one White (known as a “race traitor”) and a Latino—were killed, and ten wounded. One NSPA member was wounded in the arm.
One Communist organizer of the demonstration wounded in the incident was Paul Bermanzohn, who claimed to be a “son of holocaust survivors” and who said “… I discovered that my roots as the child of a (sic) Holocaust survivors gave me special credibility among Black people who had suffered from the severe oppression of the racist system in the US.” (Bush, Lawrence, “November 3: The Greensboro Massacre,” Jewish Currents, November 3 2011 )
Because the incident was recorded on camera by news teams, two separate trials acquitted the Party members on grounds of self-defense. A third Federal trial however found them guilty, yet did not impose a prison sentence. Instead a fine of $350,000 was imposed, bankrupting the Party and the movement there.
The Greensboro Massacre generated enthusiasm throughout the NSPA and other groups. Some saw it as a modern microcosm of the NSDAP struggle in WWII.
“The firestorm of international publicity ignited in North Carolina was especially valuable, because it reinforced, as never before, our power, uncompromising will and determination to defend ourselves to the death, and drew a blood-red line of distinction between National Socialists and Communists for the first time since 1945.”[19]
The Chicago NSPA went on to win a lawsuit against the Federal Communications Commission, which was forced to grant a broadcast license for the new AM radio station, WPWR (White Power). The Party message went out to thousands more listeners across a much broader area.
Decline & Fall of NSPA
The end came relatively abruptly. Early in 1981 Collin was arrested on a charge of “indecent relations with minors.” He first denied his guilt, but later pleaded guilty to spare his father from bankruptcy in funding Collin’s defense (the NSPA lacked the funds at the time). Collin said: “…when all conventional methods for eliminating one’s opponents have failed, murder, imprisonment or character assassination are brought to bear.” After ten years of operations, Rockwell Hall headquarters was seized by a government infiltrator and sold to Mexicans. The Marquette Park neighborhood that had fought back the colored invasion tide was overwhelmed and the White residents’ lives destroyed by crime and degeneracy.
Let us allow NSPA member and historian Leon Dilios to summarize:
“The volume and intensity of worldwide publicity we generated; our legal victories, all the way up to the United States Supreme Court; our conquest of powerful Establishment entities like the Democratic Party and the city governments of Skokie and Berwyn; beating the Federal Communications Commission; physically defeating our violent enemies, from the Jewish Defense League to the Communist Workers Party; grinding the Black Invasion of Chicago’s entire southwest side to a halt; and most significantly, mobilizing America’s White masses under the Swastika—were unique, unprecedented achievements not matched since.”[20]
Willis Carto: National Populist
This era of the timeline focused on National Socialism in America must include the emergence of the political organizer, author, publisher and founder of multiple influential publications, Willis Carto. Like Rockwell, he was a veteran of World War II, serving in the Pacific theater. As early as 1955 Carto began publishing venues devoted to America first Nationalism, or what he termed “populism,” and related topics. An early example was the monthly newsletter Right.
Here we are concerned with Carto’s publications and activities which may be seen as explicitly National Socialist or closely affiliated. Carto maintained his ideology as Populist and Nationalist, which was essentially the ideology of the German National Socialists and European Fascists generally. In 1955 he conceived and founded Liberty Lobby, “…strictly devoted to advancing the interests of America’s consumers, taxpayers and voters—the nation as a whole…” “Liberty Lobby was conceived in 1955 as a pressure group for patriotism—a lobby to fight the organized, special-interest lobbies (both foreign and domestic) that proliferate in the nation’s capital.” Liberty Lobby was “Spearheading the drive for audit, reform, and ultimate abolition of the Federal Reserve banking monopoly.”[21]
These are precisely the kinds of advocacy and political organizing the National Socialist German Workers Party conducted in its drive to leadership throughout the late 1920s and early 1930s, and afterward when it had achieved leadership. In fact, Carto renamed the revised 2nd edition of his 1996 book from which these quotes come Populism vs. Plutocracy: the Universal Struggle. In 1941 Dr. Joseph Goebbels, National Socialist Minister of Enlightenment & Propaganda issued an official response to the book by American Jew Theodore Kaufman Germany Must Perish! titled The War Goal of World Plutocracy, defying the aims of International Jewry to genocide the German people and eradicate their lands. Of course Carto’s use of the word “struggle” is reminiscent of Hitler’s Mein Kampf.
In the 1960s Carto began a collaboration with Rockwell, including publishing the American Nazi Party leader’s essay in Right, detailing the ANP’s approach .[22] Ostensibly maintaining some secrecy with his relations to Rockwell, “Carto recalls with amusement the ‘secret’ meetings he and Rockwell conducted in broad daylight in Lafayette Park, across from the White House in downtown Washington, sitting on the commemorative bench honoring famed Jewish financier Bernard Baruch…”[23]
Carto established a publishing company called Noontide Press, still offering books today. Under its Third Reich category it offers works titled Hitler and I, Hitler’s Place in History, Hitler: Beyond Evil and Tyranny, and Hitler’s War by David Irving.[24] One of its publications was Imperium: The Politics of Philosophy and History by Francis Parker Yockey. The author dedicated the book to Adolf Hitler, “The Hero of the Second World War.”[25]
Much later, after Carto had established The Barnes Review revisionist history magazine, he authored an essay in the January/February 2012 issue titled “A Straight Look at the Second World War.” In it, Carto calls Adolf Hitler “One of the most remarkable persons in European history…”[26] Further: “Hitler wanted peace, but his sin was that he recognized the corrosive, destructive influence of the Rothschild-Zionist-Jewish presence in Europe and tried to do something about it.”[27]
“But what do they profit? Death, debt and the ever-tightening yoke of Jewish political and economic supremacy.”[28]
“Jewish influence is intolerable and must be quashed by whatever means.”[29]
The Realist Report issued a review of a book about Carto, Willis Carto and the American Far Right by George Michael. It states:
“Perhaps his most controversial endeavor (yet arguably the most important), Carto also sought to institutionalize historical revisionism, which is simply an attempt to bring history into accord with the facts as we know them, especially as it relates to WWII and the alleged Jewish ‘Holocaust’. This vital and courageous undertaking lives on with The Barnes Review, the sister publication of American Free Press.”[30]
Just as Chancellor of Germany Adolf Hitler and the NSDAP, Willis Carto recognized the issue of Jewish supremacy, influence and power. By 1984 he founded and launched the Populist Party, a new political party to challenge the ineffective Democrat and Republican Parties both largely colluding with the dominant power structure Carto sought to replace with a national America First Populism.
Though only some of the affiliations and advocacy Willis Carto had with National Socialism in America, these suffice to place him in close association with that movement and mark him as a significant contributor to its development.
In Part 3 we will look at Carto’s influence on one of the most prominent organizations in the subsequent period after the mid-80s, the National Alliance led by William Pierce. Still other groups and persons will emerge on the timeline to take their place in this fascinating history.
Notes
[1] Kerr, Martin, “The History of American National Socialism – Part V: The Pre-Rockwell Years (1946-1958),” National Vanguard, posted January 7 2018 by Bradford Hanson nationalvanguard.org
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid
[4] Webb, Clive, “Counterblast: How the Atlanta Temple Bombing Strengthened the Civil Rights Cause,” Southern Spaces, June 22 2009 southernspaces.org
[5] “Extremism in America: Edward Fields,” Anti-Defamation League Archive.org
[6] Kerr, Part V
[7] “George Lincoln Rockwell Interview With Playboy Magazine,” American National Socialist Historical Archives, Interviewer: Alex Haley ansharchives.blogspot.com
[8] Kerr, “Part VI: The Rockwell Years (1959-1967)”
[9] Kerr, Part VI
[10] This account is compiled from both Kerr, Part V and Dilios, Leon, White Revolt!, An American National Socialist History, Ostara Publications, 2018, ppg. 48-9
[11] Dilios, ppg. 50-4
[12] Kerr, “Part VII: The National Socialist White People’s Party (1967-1982)”
[13] Graham, Fred P, “Rockwell’s Nazis Lost Without Him; Party Is Moribund 7 Months After Leader’s Murder,” The New York Times, April 8 1968
[14] Kerr, Part VII
[15] Dilios, ppg. 107-8
[16] Ibid, ppg. 110-12
[17] Ibid, ppg. 255-57
[18] Ibid, ppg. 264-67
[19] Dilios, p. 291
[20] Dilios, p. 305
[21] Carto, Willis, Editor, Populism vs. Plutocracy: The Universal Struggle, 2nd Revised Edition, Liberty Lobby, Washington DC, 1996, ppg. 279-84
[22] Kerr, Part VI
[23] (Editors: please provide the citation from the content Paul sent to me by email on 1/28 attributed to Mike Piper)
[24] Noontide Press, Third Reich noontidepress.com
[25] Yockey, Francis Parker, Imperium, the Philosophy of History and Politics, The Dot Connector Library, 1948
[26] Carto, Willis A., “A Straight Look at the Second World War,” The Barnes Review, January/February 2012, p. 7 barnesreview.org
[27] Ibid, p. 8
[28] Ibid, p. 13
[29] Ibid, p. 14
[30] The Realist Report, “Willis Carto: Champion Of The American Right,” August 3, 2015 therealistreport.com
https://www.unz.com/article/history-of-national-socialism-in-america-part-2-post-war-mid-80s/
