Sunday, May 3, 2020

White House Memo Confirms Suppressed True Story Behind Oklahoma City Bombing - By Roger G. Charles (Text only)

J.D. Cash’s articles in this newspaper raised two central questions: did the federal government have prior knowledge of the bombing conspiracy on that fateful day 25 years ago? And, if it did, was the prior knowledge due to confidential informants among the bombing conspirators?
The answers to both questions are the same emphatic and very disturbing, “Yes!”

As we commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Oklahoma City bombing, the worst incident of domestic terrorism in our nation’s history, we now know for certain that our government’s public account and explanation of circumstances surrounding that heinous crime was bogus. The truth lies in a suppressed version of events, one which was described by President Bill Clinton’s General Counsel Abner Mikva as “not information that should be on paper.” (Emphasis added.)
This article will for the first time present key elements of that suppressed information, on paper for the public.
For such an order to be issued by Mikva, the Oklahoma City bombing must have posed what can only be described as a mortal threat to Clinton’s political future, and to the reputation of many federal agencies involved.
During my Marine Corps career with nearly five years with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Office of the Secretary of Defense, I have seen our nuclear war-fighting plans as well as our most sensitive intelligence reports – both were “on paper.”
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The account offered here is the result of 24 years of research on my part, including 11 years of working closely with the legendary McCurtain Daily Gazette reporter, J.D. Cash, and collaborating with dozens of other professional and citizen journalists committed to uncovering the full truth behind the Oklahoma City bombing and its aftermath.
Whatever Mikva ordered not to be put “on paper,” was seen as more threatening to his client, the president, than the compromise of any other information in the entire U.S. government. But, as is the case of any federal government cover up, information was spread far too widely among various agencies for Mikva’s edict to be completely effective.
Over the past 25 years records have been released, often in seemingly unrelated cases, which have provided key elements of this mosaic – enough for us now to piece together the core of the damaging information of such concern to the president’s senior legal adviser.
OKBOMB, as the FBI titled the case, was the result of a federal law enforcement operation that went terribly wrong for reasons still unknown.
Suppressing information about this ugly truth was Mikva’s objective when he issued his extraordinary order to go off paper. Released as a memorandum on letterhead marked, “EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT,” the date was May 25, 1995, five weeks after the bombing and after the case had supposedly been solved.

This date was exactly three weeks after this newspaper published J.D. Cash’s first story on OKBOMB. Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols were in jail awaiting trial. Bombing conspirator and white nationalist Michael Fortier had agreed to be the star prosecution witness against his former Army buddies.

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Mikva’s order confirming the mortal threat to the Clinton presidency was released by the Clinton Presidential Library in 2016 as one of the 1500 pages characterized as pertinent to President Barack Obama’s nomination of federal judge Merrick Garland to fill a vacancy on the U.S. Supreme Court.
Garland arrived in Oklahoma City just two days after the bombing and was the senior on-site Justice Department lawyer in charge of the investigation. After four weeks, he returned to Washington where he continued to supervise both the investigation and preparing the government’s prosecution for McVeigh’s and Nichols’ federal court trials.
A memorandum between two White House attorneys recorded Mikva’s unprecedented order and was intended for Deputy Chief of Staff Harold Ickes, with this subject line: “Terrorism note for H”.
These first two sentences offer a candid disclosure of what will be referred to as the suppressed “Mikva version”:
The Justice Department has stopped working on the terrorism question. They say this is because Ab [Abner Mikva] instructed them that this is not information that should be on paper. (Emphasis added.)
Please read this historic statement again.
To put it in context, at the very time the president’s General Counsel issued  his extraordinary suppression order, there was much ongoing work on “terrorism” questions that was on paper. Oklahoma City bombing documents publicly accessible at the Clinton Presidential Library show hundreds of pages of legal, policy and political questions regarding terrorism being examined by lawyers both inside and outside of the federal government.
Any question about whether Mikva’s edict dealt with OKBOMB, was answered three years later in a media interview. No longer in the White House, Mikva was interviewed about a dispute concerning congressional oversight between the Department of Justice and the Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee.
The Chicago Tribune reporter wrote of Mikva’s admission:
Abner Mikva, a former White House counsel, federal judge, and Chicago congressman said Congress must move cautiously. [The Department of] Justice handles sensitive investigations, from terrorism to organized crime, and many techniques must remain secret, Mikva said.
“If Chairman Hyde starts asking about all the dollars they spent in Oklahoma City, that can compromise some very, very delicate information,” added Mikva, a Democrat. “How much of that does he really want to get into?” (Emphasis added.)
Mikva belatedly attempted damage control, having blurted out some sensitive words of his own about the suppressed truth, but it was too late. His claim that this matter was a budget issue is ludicrous. The Justice Department and the FBI had previously boasted about the 82 million dollars spent on OKBOMB, presenting this figure as yet another indicator, albeit a phony one, of the thoroughness of the investigation, and assurance that all perpetrators had been identified and convicted. (Mikva died in 2016 without public comment on his “not-on-paper’ order.)
Adding to the critical importance assigned this suppression effort are other White House records showing that Garland met during this period with Mikva’s Deputy General Counsel, Elena Kagan, who now serves on the U.S. Supreme Court.
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This document from the Executive Office of the President confirms what had been obvious to J.D. Cash and others who observed this unprecedented suppression of evidence and obstruction of justice in a federal criminal case.
More importantly, we now know why OKBOMB federal prosecutors suppressed evidence on such a massive level: it incriminated more than a dozen additional perpetrators who either directly participated in the bombing, or provided support to the wider conspiracy that murdered 168 of our fellow citizens.
The version crafted by Garland and presented in the federal trials of McVeigh and Nichols was a bogus one whose purpose was to conceal the identity of federal informants who were members of the wider bombing conspiracy.
These accusations are so contrary to the conventional version of OKBOMB constructed by Garland that the reader is justified in wanting to see evidence behind them.
In addition to using it in the McVeigh and Nichols federal trials, the Clinton administration peddled Garland’s bogus version to the national media, whose unquestioning acceptance qualifies them as complicit in what later historians could justifiably term “show trials” equal to those conducted in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin.
Lawyers at the highest levels of the Clinton White House Office of General Counsel and the Department of Justice perpetrated the greatest fraud ever foisted on a federal criminal case.
Yet, the great majority of the main stream media enthusiastically accepted this bogus version, as did the trial judge who was determined not to allow evidence of a broader conspiracy in his courtroom.
Judge Richard Matsch succeeded in keeping the first trial narrowly focused on Timothy McVeigh. For the guilt-or-innocence phase of the trial, Matsch’s refusal to entertain questions about “others unknown” as listed in the indictment was understandable.
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But, for the sentencing phase where evidence of other conspirators was a statutorily mandated factor for mitigation, Matsch’s stringent exclusion of such evidence constitutes a denial of due process. As such it has been severely questioned by at least one legal scholar, Daniel Capra of Fordham University law school.
Matsch made the prosecution’s challenge much easier when he largely ignored egregious misconduct of both investigators and prosecutors, especially on the questions of prior knowledge and of the broader conspiracy.
By his failure to seriously question government mendacity, even when presented with strong evidence of corrupt practices, Matsch greatly facilitated the acceptance of this bogus Garland version both inside and outside his courtroom.
This third version, skeptical of the bogus Garland one, and until now unaware of Mikva’s suppressed version, is largely based on the truly extraordinary investigation by McCurtain Daily Gazette reporter John David “J.D.” Cash, as published in this newspaper.
Over the past 13 years since J.D.’s death, bits and pieces of the suppressed truth have continued to seep into the public domain, validating his reporting and adding important details that further reinforce the stellar work of what was all too often, a lone voice speaking truth to power.
We now have at least a partial answer to the question: exactly what did Mikva’s directive refer to when he ordered that “working on the terrorism question… is not information that should be on paper”?
Threats posed by a wide variety of anti-government groups, including neo-Nazis and white supremacist factions were characterized in these terms:
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FBI Undercover Agents (UCA’s) reported on the extremists’ apocalyptic and threatening language:
… foresees all out war with the U.S. Government by his group and other groups like the AN [Aryan Nations, an Idaho-based group].
… announced that open war with the U.S. Government would come within the next year.
… discussed carrying out a series of political assassinations and what [name redacted] describes as ‘an operational plan’ has been prepared.”
These groups were not just talk. The Bureau reported that members had constructed and detonated IED’s (Improvised Explosive Devices) at their training sites, and had even sent IED’s through the U.S. mail.
By 1992, FBI headquarters was coordinating activities among at least half the FBI 50-plus field offices, from Seattle to Baltimore, and Jacksonville, Florida to Phoenix. Such widespread activity directly contradicts consistent FBI claims that it had no large-scale, anti-white supremacist effort during the years preceding the Oklahoma City bombing.
It is important to note that this accounting is based largely on only partial records released by the FBI after attorney Jesse Trentadue filed a Freedom Of Information Act (FOIA) complaint in federal court. A full accounting would no doubt include other offices, especially Oklahoma City, for which only very limited records have been released.
J.D. Cash’s articles in this newspaper raised two central questions: did the federal government have prior knowledge of the bombing conspiracy on that fateful day 25 years ago? And, if it did, was the prior knowledge due to confidential informants among the bombing conspirators?
The answers to both questions are the same emphatic and very disturbing, “Yes!”
The critical node for the wider conspiracy identified by Cash is Elohim City, a white supremacist compound on the Oklahoma-Arkansas border then under the total control of the late Robert Millar. Government records leave no doubt that Millar and McVeigh were, contrary to all public statements, closely involved in the plot to bomb the Oklahoma City federal building. Another member of their conspiracy was Andreas Strassmeir, a German national and FBI operative who successfully infiltrated Elohim City from 1991-1995.
Although Strassmeir was supposed only to report on the targeted group of neo-Nazis, substantial evidence suggests that his extreme language provoked the most violent actions of the bombing conspirators.
It is now irrefutable that in spite of federal law enforcement having prior knowledge of the bombing conspiracy, they failed to prevent McVeigh’s attack. The cause for this failure remains hidden in Mikva’s suppressed version, but there is no doubt that the FBI’s importing a “pretend Nazi” from Germany was a major contributing factor.
While J.D. Cash’s articles in this paper formed the foundation of the skeptical version, his death prevented him from seeing the fruit of his work as these hitherto suppressed facts have surfaced.
What is crystal clear is that while Cash’s honest reporting has stood the test of these last 25 years, the surfacing of suppressed evidence increasingly exposes Garland’s version as a fraud.

Roger G. Charles is a retired Lieutenant Colonel of the U.S. Marine Corps and award-winning investigative journalist who has worked with a wide variety of media outlets, including Newsweek, Vanity Fair, ABC (Nightline, Prime Time Live and 20/20, CBS's Sixty Minutes II, and the BBC. In addition to his research into the Oklahoma City bombing, he was worked on such topics as detainee abuse at Abu Grahib prison in Iraq (as part of a Peabody-winning team at CBS) and the failure of the U.S. military to provide troops in Iraq with adequate body armor. In 1996 and 1997 he was a consultant on the Oklahoma City bombing for ABC's 20/20, helping to produce pieces that questioned the official version of what hap- pened. He also worked as an investigator for Stephen Jones and the legal team defending Timothy McVeigh in his federal trial. Charles was born in Texas, raised in West Virginia, graduated from the US Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland in 1967.

Copyright © Roger G. Charles