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Wednesday, January 3, 2018

Despite Setbacks, Liberty Will Prevail in 2018 - By Ron Paul

Happy New Year! We always approach a new year with anticipation, hope, and also some worries. Last year was one of the strangest political years I have seen in some time. A new Republican president spent his first year pursuing more or less the same foreign policy as his Democratic predecessor and the Democratic Party spent the year looking under every rock in the US for a “Russian connection” or any other reason to see him impeached over it.
The neocon-dominated foreign policy establishment on both the Left and Right were so furious that candidate Trump dared suggest we could get along with our “enemies” overseas that they jumped on the impeachment bandwagon — even though once he became president Donald Trump filled his Administration with neocons and began dropping bombs.
Like “peace candidate” Obama, Donald Trump quickly dropped his “get along with others” rhetoric to become just another aggressive, interventionist US president. He slammed missiles into Syria over unproven claims of a chemical attack, he built US military bases on Syrian soil, he dropped the “mother of all bombs” on Afghanistan, he continued helping Saudi Arabia destroy Yemen, he expanded the US military occupation of Africa, he put NATO troops on the border of Russia, did his best to tear up the Iran nuclear agreement and in fact may have just launched a “color revolution” on Iran, and continued rattling sabers over China’s presence in the South China Sea.
That tells us quite a bit about what’s wrong with American political life these days. The “opposition party” doesn’t really oppose the other party’s policies. They are just angry that other the party is in power. With no real philosophical or policy differences, politics is essentially pointless. It is a game of spoils for the well-connected and little more than a sporting event for the rest of the country. Everyone wants to see his team come out on top.
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Still, I have much hope for 2018. I know we are continuing to make steady progress waking up the American people to the idea that ideas do matter! Our interventionist foreign policy, responsible for so much misery around the world, is not inevitable. Our destructive economic and monetary policies, which enrich the well-connected while impoverishing the rest of us, are not inevitable. The further destruction of our right to privacy, to live our lives as we see fit, to pursue our own happiness without the government looking over our shoulder, is not inevitable. We can turn this around!
In 2018 I strongly believe more Americans will wake up to the seriousness of the total debt the US is facing and will begin blaming Washington for pumping up the warfare-welfare state. I believe more Americans will understand the role of the Federal Reserve in facilitating this ocean of debt. We will continue to make progress toward ending the Fed!
While the media loves to tell us all about how the millennials are attracted to discredited ideas like Bernie Sanders’ socialism and the dead-end of cultural Marxism, I believe 2018 will demonstrate that young people are actually attracted to the ideas of liberty more than ever. Liberty is a new idea and a winning idea, while the twin tyrannies of socialism and cultural Marxism should remain in same dustbin of history they were tossed into more than 25 years ago.
In 2018 my Institute for Peace and Prosperity will be reaching more people than ever with plenty of new projects, events, and of course our daily Liberty Report! Yes, we will turn this around. Liberty will prevail!
Dr. Ron Paul is a former member of Congress and Distinguished Counselor to the Mises Institute.
Copyright © 2018 by RonPaul Institute. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit and a live link are given.
Previous article by Ron Paul: Political and Personal Immorality


Dangers of Government Control - By Sir Walter E. Williams

We are a nation of 325 million people. We have a bit of control over the behavior of our 535 elected representatives in Congress, the president and the vice president. But there are seven unelected people who have life-and-death control over our economy and hence our lives — the seven governors of the Federal Reserve Board. The Federal Reserve Board controls our money supply. Its governors are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate and serve 14-year staggered terms. They have the power to cripple an economy, as they did during the late 1920s and early 1930s. Their inept monetary policy threw the economy into the Great Depression, during which real output in the United States fell nearly 30 percent and the unemployment rate soared as high as nearly 25 percent.
The most often stated cause of the Great Depression is the October 1929 stock market crash. Little is further from the truth. The Great Depression was caused by a massive government failure led by the Federal Reserve’s rapid 25 percent contraction of the money supply. The next government failure was the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, which increased U.S. tariffs by more than 50 percent. Those failures were compounded by President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal legislation. Leftists love to praise New Deal interventionist legislation. But FDR’s very own treasury secretary, Henry Morgenthau, saw the folly of the New Deal, writing: “We have tried spending money. We are spending more than we have ever spent before and it does not work. … We have never made good on our promises. … I say after eight years of this Administration we have just as much unemployment as when we started … and an enormous debt to boot!” The bottom line is that the Federal Reserve Board, the Smoot-Hawley tariffs and Roosevelt’s New Deal policies turned what would have been a two, three- or four-year sharp downturn into a 16-year affair.
Here’s my question never asked about the Federal Reserve Act of 1913: How much sense does it make for us to give seven unelected people life-and-death control over our economy and hence our lives?
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While you’re pondering that question, consider another: Should we give the government, through the Federal Communications Commission, control over the internet? During the Clinton administration, along with the help of a Republican-dominated Congress, the visionary 1996 Telecommunications Act declared it “the policy of the United States” that internet service providers and websites be “unfettered by Federal or State regulation.” The act sought “to promote competition and reduce regulation in order to secure lower prices and higher quality services for American telecommunications consumers and encourage the rapid deployment of new telecommunications technologies.”
In 2015, the Obama White House pressured the FCC to create the Open Internet Order, which has been branded by its advocates as net neutrality. This move overthrew the spirit of the Telecommunications Act. It represents creeping FCC jurisdiction, as its traditional areas of regulation — such as broadcast media and telecommunications — have been transformed by the internet, or at least diminished in importance. Fortunately, it’s being challenged by the new FCC chairman, Ajit Pai, who has announced he will repeal the FCC’s heavy-handed 2015 internet regulations.

The United States has been the world leader in the development of internet technology precisely because it has been relatively unfettered by federal and state regulation. The best thing that the U.S. Congress can do for internet entrepreneurs and internet consumers is to send the FCC out to pasture as it did with the Civil Aeronautics Board, which regulated the airline industry, and the Interstate Commerce Commission, which regulated the trucking industry. When we got rid of those regulatory agencies, we saw a greater number of competitors, and consumers paid lower prices. Giving the FCC the same medicine would allow our high-tech industry to maintain its world leadership position.
Walter E. Williams is the John M. Olin distinguished professor of economics at George Mason University, and a nationally syndicated columnist. To find out more about Walter E. Williams and read features by other Creators Syndicate columnists and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate web page.
Copyright © 2017 Creators.com
Previous article by Walter E. Williams: Educational Rot


Tuesday, January 2, 2018

Who Stole Our Culture? - By William S. Lind (This article should be mandatory reading for any American who still has a conscience and a pulse - CL)

(After you have read this excellent article – you might also read this – www.crushlimbraw.com – and notice some similarities. Remember, I started that website in August, 2015 – CL)
Sometime during the last half-century, someone stole our culture. Just 50 years ago, in the 1950s, America was a great place. It was safe. It was decent. Children got good educations in the public schools. Even blue-collar fathers brought home middle-class incomes, so moms could stay home with the kids. Television shows reflected sound, traditional values.
Where did it all go? How did that America become the sleazy, decadent place we live in today – so different that those who grew up prior to the ’60s feel like it’s a foreign country? Did it just “happen”?
It didn’t just “happen.” In fact, a deliberate agenda was followed to steal our culture and leave a new and very different one in its place. The story of how and why is one of the most important parts of our nation’s history – and it is a story almost no one knows. The people behind it wanted it that way.
What happened, in short, is that America’s traditional culture, which had grown up over generations from our Western, Judeo-Christian roots, was swept aside by an ideology. We know that ideology best as “political correctness” or “multi-culturalism.” It really is cultural Marxism, Marxism translated from economic into cultural terms in an effort that goes back not to the 1960s, but to World War I. Incredible as it may seem, just as the old economic Marxism of the Soviet Union has faded away, a new cultural Marxism has become the ruling ideology of America’s elites. The No. 1 goal of that cultural Marxism, since its creation, has been the destruction of Western culture and the Christian religion.
To understand anything, we have to know its history. To understand who stole our culture, we need to take a look at the history of “political correctness.”
Early Marxist theory
Before World War I, Marxist theory said that if Europe ever erupted in war, the working classes in every European country would rise in revolt, overthrow their governments and create a new Communist Europe. But when war broke out in the summer of 1914, that didn’t happen. Instead, the workers in every European country lined up by the millions to fight their country’s enemies. Finally, in 1917, a Communist revolution did occur, in Russia. But attempts to spread that revolution to other countries failed because the workers did not support it.
After World War I ended in 1918, Marxist theorists had to ask themselves the question: What went wrong? As good Marxists, they could not admit Marxist theory had been incorrect. Instead, two leading Marxist intellectuals, Antonio Gramsci in Italy and Georg Lukacs in Hungary (Lukacs was considered the most brilliant Marxist thinker since Marx himself) independently came up with the same answer. They said that Western culture and the Christian religion had so blinded the working class to its true, Marxist class interests, that a Communist revolution was impossible in the West, until both could be destroyed. That objective, established as cultural Marxism’s goal right at the beginning, has never changed.
A new strategy
Gramsci famously laid out a strategy for destroying Christianity and Western culture, one that has proven all too successful. Instead of calling for a Communist revolution up front, as in Russia, he said Marxists in the West should take political power last, after a “long march through the institutions” – the schools, the media, even the churches, every institution that could influence the culture. That “long march through the institutions” is what America has experienced, especially since the 1960s. Fortunately, Mussolini recognized the danger Gramsci posed and jailed him. His influence remained small until the 1960s, when his works, especially the “Prison Notebooks,” were rediscovered.
Georg Lukacs proved more influential. In 1918, he became deputy commissar for culture in the short-lived Bela Kun Bolshevik regime in Hungary. There, asking, “Who will save us from Western civilization?” he instituted what he called “cultural terrorism.” One of its main components was introducing sex education into Hungarian schools. Lukacs realized that if he could destroy the country’s traditional sexual morals, he would have taken a giant step toward destroying its traditional culture and Christian faith.
Far from rallying to Lukacs’ “cultural terrorism,” the Hungarian working class was so outraged by it that when Romania invaded Hungary, the workers would not fight for the Bela Kun government, and it fell. Lukacs disappeared, but not for long. In 1923, he turned up at a “Marxist Study Week” in Germany, a program sponsored by a young Marxist named Felix Weil who had inherited millions. Weil and the others who attended that study week were fascinated by Lukacs’ cultural perspective on Marxism.
The Frankfurt School
Weil responded by using some of his money to set up a new think tank at Frankfurt University in Frankfurt, Germany. Originally it was to be called the “Institute for Marxism.” But the cultural Marxists realized they could be far more effective if they concealed their real nature and objectives. They convinced Weil to give the new institute a neutral-sounding name, the “Institute for Social Research.” Soon known simply as the “Frankfurt School,” the Institute for Social Research would become the place where political correctness, as we now know it, was developed. The basic answer to the question “Who stole our culture?” is the cultural Marxists of the Frankfurt School.
At first, the Institute worked mainly on conventional Marxist issues such as the labor movement. But in 1930, that changed dramatically. That year, the Institute was taken over by a new director, a brilliant young Marxist intellectual named Max Horkheimer. Horkheimer had been strongly influenced by Georg Lukacs. He immediately set to work to turn the Frankfurt School into the place where Lukacs’ pioneering work on cultural Marxism could be developed further into a full-blown ideology.
To that end, he brought some new members into the Frankfurt School. Perhaps the most important was Theodor Adorno, who would become Horkheimer’s most creative collaborator. Other new members included two psychologists, Eric Fromm and Wilhelm Reich, who were noted promoters of feminism and matriarchy, and a young graduate student named Herbert Marcuse.
Advances in cultural Marxism
With the help of this new blood, Horkheimer made three major advances in the development of cultural Marxism. First, he broke with Marx’s view that culture was merely part of society’s “superstructure,” which was determined by economic factors. He said that on the contrary, culture was an independent and very important factor in shaping a society.
Second, again contrary to Marx, he announced that in the future, the working class would not be the agent of revolution. He left open the question of who would play that role – a question Marcuse answered in the 1950s.
Third, Horkheimer and the other Frankfurt School members decided that the key to destroying Western culture was to cross Marx with Freud. They argued that just as workers were oppressed under capitalism, so under Western culture, everyone lived in a constant state of psychological repression. “Liberating” everyone from that repression became one of cultural Marxism’s main goals. Even more important, they realized that psychology offered them a far more powerful tool than philosophy for destroying Western culture: psychological conditioning.
Today, when Hollywood’s cultural Marxists want to “normalize” something like homosexuality (thus “liberating” us from “repression”), they put on television show after television show where the only normal-seeming white male is a homosexual. That is how psychological conditioning works; people absorb the lessons the cultural Marxists want them to learn without even knowing they are being taught.
The Frankfurt School was well on the way to creating political correctness. Then suddenly, fate intervened. In 1933, Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party came to power in Germany, where the Frankfurt School was located. Since the Frankfurt School was Marxist, and the Nazis hated Marxism, and since almost all its members were Jewish, it decided to leave Germany. In 1934, the Frankfurt School, including its leading members from Germany, was re-established in New York City with help from Columbia University. Soon, its focus shifted from destroying traditional Western culture in Germany to doing so in the United States. It would prove all too successful.
New developments
Taking advantage of American hospitality, the Frankfurt School soon resumed its intellectual work to create cultural Marxism. To its earlier achievements in Germany, it added these new developments.
Critical Theory
To serve its purpose of “negating” Western culture, the Frankfurt School developed a powerful tool it called “Critical Theory.” What was the theory? The theory was to criticize. By subjecting every traditional institution, starting with family, to endless, unremitting criticism (the Frankfurt School was careful never to define what it was for, only what it was against), it hoped to bring them down. Critical Theory is the basis for the “studies” departments that now inhabit American colleges and universities. Not surprisingly, those departments are the home turf of academic political correctness.
Studies in prejudice
The Frankfurt School sought to define traditional attitudes on every issue as “prejudice” in a series of academic studies that culminated in Adorno’s immensely influential book, “The Authoritarian Personality,” published in 1950. They invented a bogus “F-scale” that purported to tie traditional beliefs on sexual morals, relations between men and women and questions touching on the family to support for fascism. Today, the favorite term the politically correct use for anyone who disagrees with them is “fascist.”
Domination
The Frankfurt School again departed from orthodox Marxism, which argued that all of history was determined by who owned the means of production. Instead, they said history was determined by which groups, defined as men, women, races, religions, etc., had power or “dominance” over other groups. Certain groups, especially white males, were labeled “oppressors,” while other groups were defined as “victims.” Victims were automatically good, oppressors bad, just by what group they came from, regardless of individual behavior.
Though Marxists, the members of the Frankfurt School also drew from Nietzsche (someone else they admired for his defiance of traditional morals was the Marquis de Sade). They incorporated into their cultural Marxism what Nietzsche called the “transvaluation of all values.” What that means, in plain English, is that all the old sins become virtues, and all the old virtues become sins. Homosexuality is a fine and good thing, but anyone who thinks men and women should have different social roles is an evil “fascist.” That is what political correctness now teaches children in public schools all across America. (The Frankfurt School wrote about American public education. It said it did not matter if school children learned any skills or any facts. All that mattered was that they graduate from the schools with the right “attitudes” on certain questions.)
Media and entertainment
Led by Adorno, the Frankfurt School initially opposed the culture industry, which they thought “commodified” culture. Then, they started to listen to Walter Benjamin, a close friend of Horkheimer and Adorno, who argued that cultural Marxism could make powerful use of tools like radio, film and later television to psychologically condition the public. Benjamin’s view prevailed, and Horkheimer and Adorno spent the World War II years in Hollywood. It is no accident that the entertainment industry is now cultural Marxism’s most powerful weapon.
The growth of Marxism in the United States
After World War II and the defeat of the Nazis, Horkheimer, Adorno and most of the other members of the Frankfurt School returned to Germany, where the Institute re-established itself in Frankfurt with the help of the American occupation authorities. Cultural Marxism in time became the unofficial but all-pervasive ideology of the Federal Republic of Germany.
But hell had not forgotten the United States. Herbert Marcuse remained here, and he set about translating the very difficult academic writings of other members of the Frankfurt School into simpler terms Americans could easily grasp. His book “Eros and Civilization” used the Frankfurt School’s crossing of Marx with Freud to argue that if we would only “liberate non-procreative eros” through “polymorphous perversity,” we could create a new paradise where there would be only play and no work. “Eros and Civilization” became one of the main texts of the New Left in the 1960s.
Marcuse also widened the Frankfurt School’s intellectual work. In the early 1930s, Horkheimer had left open the question of who would replace the working class as the agent of Marxist revolution. In the 1950s, Marcuse answered the question, saying it would be a coalition of students, blacks, feminist women and homosexuals – the core of the student rebellion of the 1960s, and the sacred “victims groups” of political correctness today. Marcuse further took one of political correctness’s favorite words, “tolerance,” and gave it a new meaning. He defined “liberating tolerance” as tolerance for all ideas and movements coming from the left, and intolerance for all ideas and movements coming from the right. When you hear the cultural Marxists today call for “tolerance,” they mean Marcuse’s “liberating tolerance” (just as when they call for “diversity,” they mean uniformity of belief in their ideology).
The student rebellion of the 1960s, driven largely by opposition to the draft for the Vietnam War, gave Marcuse a historic opportunity. As perhaps its most famous “guru,” he injected the Frankfurt School’s cultural Marxism into the baby boom generation. Of course, they did not understand what it really was. As was true from the Institute’s beginning, Marcuse and the few other people “in the know” did not advertise that political correctness and multi-culturalism were a form of Marxism. But the effect was devastating: a whole generation of Americans, especially the university-educated elite, absorbed cultural Marxism as their own, accepting a poisonous ideology that sought to destroy America’s traditional culture and Christian faith. That generation, which runs every elite institution in America, now wages a ceaseless war on all traditional beliefs and institutions. They have largely won that war. Most of America’s traditional culture lies in ruins.
A counter-strategy
Now you know who stole our culture. The question is, what are we, as Christians and as cultural conservatives, going to do about it?
We can choose between two strategies. The first is to try to retake the existing institutions – the public schools, the universities, the media, the entertainment industry and most of the mainline churches – from the cultural Marxists. They expect us to try to do that, they are ready for it, and we would find ourselves, with but small voice and few resources compared to theirs, making a frontal assault against prepared defensive positions. Any soldier can tell you what that almost always leads to: defeat.
There is another, more promising strategy. We can separate ourselves and our families from the institutions the cultural Marxists control and build new institutions for ourselves, institutions that reflect and will help us recover our traditional Western culture.
Several years ago, my colleague Paul Weyrich wrote an open letter to the conservative movement suggesting this strategy. While most other conservative (really Republican) leaders demurred, his letter resonated powerfully with grass-roots conservatives. Many of them are already part of a movement to secede from the corrupt, dominant culture and create parallel institutions: the homeschooling movement. Similar movements are beginning to offer sound alternatives in other aspects of life, including movements to promote small, often organic family farms and to develop community markets for those farms’ products. If Brave New World’s motto is “Think globally, act locally,” ours should be “Think locally, act locally.”
Thus, our strategy for undoing what cultural Marxism has done to America has a certain parallel to its own strategy, as Gramsci laid it out so long ago. Gramsci called for Marxists to undertake a “long march through the institutions.” Our counter-strategy would be a long march to create our own institutions. It will not happen quickly, or easily. It will be the work of generations – as was theirs. They were patient, because they knew the “inevitable forces of history” were on their side. Can we not be equally patient, and persevering, knowing that the Maker of history is on ours?
William S. Lind has a B.A. in History from Dartmouth College and an M.A., also in History, from Princeton University. He serves as director of the Center for Cultural Conservatism of the Free Congress Foundation in Washington, D.C., and as a vestryman at St. James Anglican Church in his hometown of Cleveland, Ohio.

Copyright © 2017 William S. Lind


Monday, January 1, 2018

Vox Popoli: The year in review by Dave Barry

Dave Barry puts it all in perspective. Some highlights:
  • Nobody seems to know how, specifically, the Russians affected the election, but everybody is pretty sure they did something, especially CNN, which has not been so excited about a story since those heady months in 2014 when it provided 24/7 video coverage of random objects floating in the Pacific while panels of experts speculated on whether those objects might or might not have anything to do with that missing Malaysian airliner. You can tune in to CNN any time, day or night, and you are virtually guaranteed to hear the word “Russians” within 10 seconds, even if it’s during a Depends commercial.
  •  NASA, in a major scientific discovery, announces that a star system less than 40 light-years away contains seven Earth-size planets, at least three of which appear to have a Starbucks.
  • On the legislative front, the big story is Obamacare, which the Republicans have been running against for seven straight years. Their message has been: “Vote for us, and we WILL get rid of Obamacare!” So now that they control the White House and both houses of Congress, there can be no stopping them. It’s time to deliver! GET READY FOR A REPUBLICAN-LEADERSHIP-STYLE BUTT-WHUPPIN’, OBAMACARE! When the smoke clears, Obamacare is sitting at the bar, unscathed, sipping a whiskey and flirting with the barmaid. Republican congressional leaders are strewn all over the barroom floor, noses bleeding, underpants pulled over their foreheads. But this setback does not deter them for long. They pick themselves up, dust themselves off, tuck themselves back in and start making plans for their next bold legislative masterstroke.
  • In aviation news, United Airlines breaks new customer-service ground when it decides that a 69-year-old passenger who has already boarded his flight must be “re-accommodated” via a technique similar to the one the Mexican army used to re-accommodate the Texans at the Alamo, leaving him with a concussion, broken teeth and a broken nose. At first United’s CEO defends the airline’s actions on the grounds that, quote, “We have the collective IQ of a starfish.” But after a firestorm of public outrage he apologizes and promises that in the future United will employ a “more humane” re-accommodation policy based on “respect for our customers and, when needed, tranquilizer darts.”
  • In other political developments, Greg Gianforte, a Republican running for Montana’s vacant congressional seat, gets national headlines when he body-slams a reporter for the Guardian newspaper. He is immediately hired as director of customer relations by United Airlines. No, seriously, despite being charged with assault, Gianforte wins easily, yet another indication that in much of the nation journalists enjoy the same level of popularity as head lice.
  • Republican congressional leaders determined to avenge their humiliating defeat at the hands of Obamacare emerge after months of closed-door meetings with a new, smarter repeal strategy. The GOP, led by Senate Majority Leader Mitch “Mojo” McConnell, is cagey about the details, but sources say the plan involves a “high cliff” and a “really heavy safe,” which the Republicans plan to purchase from the Acme Corp.
  • Meanwhile a major scandal engulfs the entertainment world when the New York Times reveals that powerful movie producer Harvey Weinstein, despite being a prominent supporter of all the correct causes, basically spent the past several decades lumbering around in an open bathrobe forcing himself on unreceptive women. This news comes as a big shock to members of the Hollywood community, especially coming on the heels of their recent discovery that the pope is Catholic.
There is considerably more in this vein. It is amusing.


Appearance of Paul Gottfried Sparks Disruptions at Hamilton College – Alexander Hamilton Institute - By Mary Grabar, AHI Resident Fellow

On October 25 and 26, the Alexander Hamilton Institute for the Study of Western Civilization (AHI) sponsored Dr. Paul Gottfried, Horace Raffensperger Professor of Humanities Emeritus, Elizabethtown College, for a series of talks, two on the Hamilton College campus.  On Wednesday morning, October 25, he discussed conservatism in the United States in a seminar “Modern Conservative Politics,” taught by AHI Resident Fellow Dr. David Frisk.  In the afternoon, Dr. Gottfried was invited to speak on his recent book Fascism:  The Career of a Concept (2016) in a course, “Nazi Germany,” taught by Hamilton College professor Alfred Kelly.  On Thursday evening, October 26, AHI hosted a Leadership Dinner during which undergraduates, faculty, and local citizens, using a prescribed chapter from Gottfried’s book Fascism, conversed on the meaning of totalitarianism and on the similarities and differences between Nazism, fascism, and communism.  Disruptive protests greeted Gottfried at his two appearances at Hamilton College.

In the morning seminar, Gottfried passed through a gauntlet of about twenty protesters. They regarded his appearance on campus as “unacceptable” and charged him with “hate speech” and being a “white nationalist.”  Dr. Frisk provided them, to the extent that space in the classroom would allow, an opportunity to enter and hear what Gottfried had to say on conservatism as well as to devote the majority of time to questions about his positions on various subjects, including race, Herbert Marcuse and the Frankfurt School, and the election of Donald Trump.  On the subject of modern conservative politics, Gottfried brings unquestioned expertise as a participant in many key events and as an intellectual force on the right.  He knew personally many of the heavy-hitters who joined with William F. Buckley to form National Review.  Gottfried kept company with President Richard Nixon, served in the Reagan administration, and as an éminence grise of the so-called paleoconservative movement, has garnered attention as a prominent critic of neoconservatism.  Gottfried coined the term “alternative right” and has shed light on how this complicated phenomenon developed and on the various elements of which it is composed.   In a scholarly career that spans more than a half century, Gottfried has published more than a dozen scholarly books and hundreds of articles.

In the afternoon class, Gottfried once again passed through a gauntlet of protesters to speak on the history of twentieth-century fascism, its origins in Mussolini’s Italy, and the characteristics that distinguish fascism from Nazism and communism.  In accord with the German scholar Ernst Nolte, Gottfried called fascist movements “counterrevolutionary imitations of leftist revolution.”  He also spent time deciphering the promiscuous application of the word “fascism,” by both the right and the left, in the postmodern culture wars. As was the case in the morning class, Gottfried spent much of the time answering questions, no matter how pointed or off-topic, civilly and thoughtfully, from students not enrolled in the class.


In the morning class on modern conservative politics, Dr. Gottfried described the evolution of the term “conservative” in the United States. Few intellectuals before 1950, he explained, would have identified themselves as “conservative;” those who appeared conservative tended to see themselves instead as “classical liberals.”  William F. Buckley, Gottfried agreed, stands as the primary “architect” of the modern conservative movement.  Buckley transformed it by holding disparate tendencies together and by purging isolationists, members of the John Birch Society, and others elements he deemed too extreme.  What united various strains of right-of-center thinkers during the Cold War was the ideological and political threat of communism.
Conservative groups attached to the Republican Party eventually attained its own media outlets via Fox News, talk radio, and syndicated columnists. These forces have helped shape the establishment right or what Gottfried calls “Conservatism Inc.”  In Gottfried’s opinion, Ronald Reagan was an “establishment Republican” who did little to change the “deep state.” “No Republican, said Gottfried, “talked as boldly as 1964 presidential candidate Barry Goldwater did. Republicans learned their lesson after [the disastrous Republican defeat in] 1964.”  In last year’s presidential election, however, Donald Trump emerged representing a “populist insurgent movement” that replaced the “Old Guard” of Republicans like the Bush family.

During the expanded question-and-answer part of the class, Gottfried expressed his agreement that radical Islam had replaced communism as a central unifying concern, but expressed dismay with the capitulation of conservatives on many social issues.   “Their ‘values game’ is a fraud,” he said, noting the adoption by allegedly right-wing pundits and politicians of left-liberal positions on immigration, confederate monuments, and any number of other issues. Gottfried contended that the real reason William F. Buckley had purged the John Birch Society was because they did not support the Vietnam War. The purported reason was their anti-semitism and racism, which in truth, Gottfried maintained, were largely “baseless smears.” A descendant of a Hungarian Jewish family that fled the twin terrors of Hitler and Stalin, Gottfried also remarked on the fact that only Western countries, the product of the most self-critical civilization in history, have felt the need to express guilt for past racism. It does not happen in Muslim or Eastern European societies. But targets are selective. Victims of communism are rarely even acknowledged. Racial injustices, he noted, are committed everywhere, but “we are the only ones who try to rectify them.”  Expanding on a thesis that he has developed in his scholarship, Gottfried argued that the guilt comes from Protestant Christianity and is transmuted in a post-Christian society from “Christian guilt” to “social guilt.” Designated victim groups are being used as weapons by liberal whites in a “civil war” with other, conservative, whites.

Gottfried is often credited with inventing the term “alt-right.” Its coinage actually began with a speech he gave, entitled “The Alternative Right.” The term was then shortened by others to “alt-right.” Over the years new characteristics, such as racialism, have been attached to it. The number of those who identify themselves with the alt-right in its current manifestation, said Gottfried, is minuscule.  Gottfried dismissed many of the leading alt-right figures as clowns and buffoons and worried more about how groups like the Southern Poverty Law Center inflate the alt-right to raise gobs of money and smear good people who as traditionalists are legitimately concerned about the loss of their heritage.  For Gottfried, the “non-aligned right” or “dissenting right” identifies those who have criticized “Conservatism Inc” for its abandonment of defensible traditions and foreign-policy adventurism in trying to remake the world in the image of the United States.
In the afternoon class on Hitler’s Germany, Gottfried began by chatting with several students in German (one of several languages in which he is fluent). He shared what he learned in his 40 years of experience in gathering material for the book, underscoring the important methodological point that in the practice of history, studies closest in time to the event may actually be far better in revealing what happened than those works published by scholars decades or generations later.  Gottfried delved into the historiography of fascism.  He described the strengths and weaknesses of those he considered to be the leading scholars and thinkers on the subject, including Stanley Payne and Ernst Nolte.  In contrast, he called Jonah Goldberg’s 2008 bestseller, Liberal Fascism, a “horrible book.” He condemned Goldberg’s deliberate confusion of fascism with Nazism as a form of name-calling. For Gottfried, fascism arose in the special circumstances of interwar Europe in Latin countries with strong Catholic traditions. Nazism possessed a violent, totalitarian bent that Mussolini’s fascism did not. While Franco’s Spain had a “family resemblance,” Nazism was “a highly eclectic” movement that had little in common with Italian fascism. While the Italian system was statist and authoritarian, the German was totalitarian, anti-Semitic, and party-based.

Topics discussed during the question-and-answer period included concern about the current growth of the administrative state, the use made by the state of political correctness to silence debate, Hitler’s hatred of Jews and Slavs, Communist Yugoslavian leader Josef Tito’s extermination of 100,000 Yugoslavians (on a proportional scale worse than that of Stalin’s crimes), and the dangerous use of international tribunals for war crimes because of their tendency to become politicized.  In response to a question about Richard Spencer and the alt-right, Gottfried explained that Spencer had changed over the years and has adopted repellant views and tactics. He described Spencer as an advocate of state power and “a socialist,” contrary to the portrayals of him in the media.
At the Leadership Dinner, AHI Executive Director Robert Paquette introduced Gottfried as an impressively erudite, “first-rate European intellectual historian” whom the great historian Eugene Genovese, an AHI academic adviser before his death in 2012, had attempted to hire when building the graduate program at the University of Rochester in the 1960s and 1970s into one of the best in the country.  “There are colleagues at Hamilton College,” Paquette observed, “from whom I have learned absolutely nothing over the course of decades.  I have never entered into an intensive conversation with Paul without finding it stimulating and challenging.”  During his stay, Gottfried announced that he will be donating to AHI his extensive correspondence with Genovese.

At the Leadership Dinner, Gottfried elaborated further on his understanding of fascism and engaged in a lively give-and-take with students and other guests. Students learned that Gottfried’s mentor at Yale University was the left-wing icon Herbert Marcuse, one of the doyen’s of the Frankfurt School of cultural Marxists.  Gottfried described Marcuse as a learned professor, demanding teacher, and fair-minded mentor—in sharp contrast to the kind of left-wing scholars who today politicize their classrooms and suppress debate on controversial issues. Gottfried revealed that his favorite historian was the ancient Greek general, Thucydides. “Sometimes the best histories are by eyewitnesses,” he remarked.   AHI is currently sponsoring for the entire academic year a reading cluster on Thucydides at Colgate University
When Gottfried was asked if he thought fascism could make a comeback as a serious political movement, Gottfried replied probably not, for fascism was “a historical phenomenon limited to a time and place.” It was not internationalist, like communism. When asked by a student if his Jewish background had an impact on his views, Gottfried replied “not particularly,” although his parents had been driven out of Germany by the Nazis, and then went to Italy and Spain.  Hitler was a “nihilist revolutionary,” who claimed that the Marxists didn’t go far enough; Nazism actually attracted leftists. In terms of what led to the rise of Nazism, Gottfried pointed to President Wilson’s disastrous attempt at democratic nation-building. Because Germany was forced to sign the Treaty of Versailles, the Weimar Republic was seen as a regime imposed on the German people. In Gottfried’s opinion, a constitutional monarchy would have worked better.

In contrast, post-war Italy was neo-fascist and “no one cared.” In fact, neo-fascist regimes were supported by the CIA. Anti-fascist ideology came about in the late 1960s as a result of the rise of the New Left.  Critics who call the present Trump administration “fascist” are employing the techniques of the communists who called all anti-communists fascists, including Trotsky and social democrats. Today, “’fascist’ means ‘we don’t like you,’” said Gottfried. Such name-calling is “opportunist, dishonest mudslinging.”
On today’s college campuses, the “totemic” phrase is “social justice,” a term waved like a flag by every totalitarian movement that has sought state power.  Demands for tolerance, a word that once meant the capacity to endure suffering, have shifted to demands not only for accommodation to one or another group’s alternative lifestyles, but to their acceptance and active celebration.  Those who disagree or criticize with what is being promoted, no matter how unhealthy the “lifestyle” or detrimental to public morality or a social good, risks being labeled as a purveyor of “hate speech.”   Invariably, conservatives are the ones tagged as “haters,” and the expansion of the category by progressives to any group with whom they have political disagreement in practicing identity politics seems to have no end.  Asked if President Trump was having any effect, Gottfried replied that he was “indirectly because he offends leftist elites.” He would have more impact, though, if he could show more restraint and express himself more articulately.

Gottfried’s appearance elicited from Hamilton College’s government department an all-campus announcement condemning “racist remarks allegedly made by Gottfried,” although, as the signatories candidly admitted, without having all the facts at their disposal, for they were “still learning about what transpired.”   In response to the government department’s communication, AHI Executive Director Robert Paquette wrote department chairman Philip Klinkner saying, “I am the one–and I alone–who is responsible for bringing Paul [Gottfried] here and setting up his classroom visitations.”  Paquette then recited to Klinkner Gottfried’s impressive credentials in making him a fit visitor in both classes.   Noting that Paul Gottfried and Angela Davis shared the same mentor, Herbert Marcuse,  Paquette wondered why  there was no “breast-beating and self-righteous indignation in your department when Angela Davis came to Hamilton College for what was likely a five-figure fee?  Can you find for me one statement–just one–in her long career during which she denounced the millions of bodies, the majority non-white, piled up in the name of Communism?  Indeed, quite the opposite.   Hamilton College rolled out the red carpet for this Communist stooge, winner of the Lenin Peace [sic!] prize (1979), complicit in the murder of a sitting judge, and feted here like a queen. [See here and here] I need not go into all the other loony rent-a-radicals who have marched through this place with big paydays saying outrageous, deeply offensive things [without complaint from the government or any other Hamilton College department].”
Should any of your colleagues want an explanation as to why I brought Paul Gottfried here, I eagerly await.  My office is 320 library, and I am typically there in the morning seven days a week.”

The World We Lost on June 28, 1914 - by Gary North

William Lind is a specialist in 4th-generation warfare: non-state warfare. He is also an observer of culture.
He has written an assessment of the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand on June 28, 1914. Within five weeks, this led to the outbreak of World War I on August 1.
With the commemoration of Christ’s first Advent, the end of the calendar year and a widespread (and justified) sense that we are all walking on the edge of a precipice, an old question pops up again: when will the world end? Many seers, prophets, and charlatans have predicted a date when the world will end, only to find themselves both relieved and disappointed. Unlike them, I know with complete certainty when the world will end. It will end on June 28, 1914.
Had Archduke Franz Ferdinand lived, we would almost certainly inhabit a better world. There would have been no war; he was the leader of the peace party in Vienna. Without the vast civilizational catastrophe that was World War I, the West would not have lost faith in itself, its culture, and religion. Instead of cultural Marxism, we could still have Christian, conservative monarchy as the West’s leading paradigm. I doubt the House of Hapsburg, which had twice repelled the Moslem hordes from the gates of Vienna, would have opened those gates to more than a million Islamic “refugees” (really migrants). Interestingly, it is mostly states that were part of the Empire, Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, that have the moral courage to say no to the EU’s refugee quotas. Had the Archduke lived, there would be no Lenin, no Stalin, no Hitler, no Holocaust. Israel might have been established as a province of the Ottoman Empire, under German and Austro-Hungarian protection; the Zionists were quite influential at the Viennese court and Kaiser Wilhelm II had a number of close Jewish friends. Russia, which by 1910 had reached the economic takeoff point, would not have lost the 60 million people killed by Soviet Communism, the figure revealed when the Soviet archives were opened in 1989. Economically, the Russian people might enjoy the same standard of living Americans have today, while still residing under a Christian monarch in an Orthodox country.
Vienna was not only a political capital, it was a cultural capital as well, the rival of Paris. While the cultural pessimism that now rules the West was already stirring, without World War I and the fall of the Empire it probably would not have become dominant. Music, art, and architecture would still strive for beauty, not alienation (thank you Adorno). Nietzsche’s “transvaluation of all values,” where the old sins become virtues and the old virtues sins, would have remained the delusion of a syphilitic philosopher instead of the guiding rule of Western elites. In the year 2017, a Hapsburg Vienna might well be the source of much of the world’s cultural and intellectual greatness.
Only a handful of people are left who understand how much was lost on that June day in 1914. With those pistol shots in Sarajevo, the West put a gun to its own head and blew its brains out. Our history since has been the twitching of a corpse.
In 1971, when doing graduate work in Vienna, I had the good fortune to meet the Empire face-to-face. My landlady was Frau Baron von Garabedian-Elislago. Her father was General von Krauss-Elislago, Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s aide-de-camp and favorite soldier. She knew the Archduke and the last Emperor, Kaiser Karl. As you entered her apartment, you saw two magnificent Renaissance chests, gifts to her father from the Archduke. She could remember the picnics on the decks of Austrian battleships in the Adriatic.
The good Frau Baron was lively, funny, and a window into all that was lost. She spoke six languages fluently. She enjoyed high culture as only a truly educated person can. One night as we were coming out of the Burgtheater she gestured dismissively to two statues and said, “Those are the monkeys who founded the republic.”
Now, we Americans live in a country where the monkeys seem to be running everything. Our downward spiral accelerates. Soon, education and cultural levels will be so low that no one will be able to understand the value of a place governed by Christian monarchy and devoted to the life of the mind. But Hapsburg Vienna was such a place. Until, on June 28, 1914, the world ended.
Well, as academic historians like to say, yes and no.
In assessing historical change, I'm well aware of the ups and downs of events in history. They have meaning in terms of subjective imputation. Ultimately, the imputation that counts is God's imputation, which goes on constantly, and will be reflected historically at the final judgment. The apostle Paul announced this regarding historical development: "And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are called according to His purpose" (Romans 8:28).
I look at the event that Lind describes, and also the crucial event which took place three years later only because of what Lind describes, namely, Lenin's successful overturning of the Russian revolutionary government on October 25, 1917. I conclude that the historical effects of these monumental events, however negative in the short run and mid-term, will turn out to have been been positive in the long run.
In short, as the 1940's radio newscaster Gabriel Heater announced every evening, "There's good news tonight!"
WORLDVIEW AND ITS EFFECTS
Lind does not mention why the Archduke was in a position to have been a significant man of peace. It was because of the most important self-fulfilling prediction of modern times: the belief of Austrian economist Carl Menger that there would be a great military conflagration sometime early in the 20th century, a conflagration that would lead to the disruption of the old order. He predicted this in the late 19th century. This prediction was important because Menger was the tutor of the son of the Emperor, Rudolf. Menger's dark outlook influenced the thinking of the young man, who committed suicide on January 30, 1889. This left the Archduke as the heir to the Hapsburg throne. Here is the account of Ludwig von Mises in his Notes and Recollections, which he wrote in 1940, shortly after his arrival in the United States as a refugee of the Nazi regime.
I believe I know what discouraged Menger and what silenced him so early. His sharp mind had recognized the destiny of Austria, of Europe, and of the world. He saw the greatest and most advanced of all civilizations rushing to the abyss of destruction. He foresaw all the horrors which we are experiencing today. He knew the consequences of the world’s turning away from true Liberalism and Capitalism. Nonetheless, he did what he could do to stem the tide. His book Untersuchungen über die Methode der Socialwissenschaften und der Politischen Oekonomie insbesondere was meant as a polemic essay against all those pernicious intellectual currents that were poisoning the world from the universities of" “Great Prussia."
The knowledge that his fight was without expectation of success, however, sapped his strength. He had transmitted this pessimism to his young student and friend, Archduke Rudolf, successor to the Austro-Hungarian throne. The Archduke committed suicide because he despaired about the future of his empire and the fate of European civilization, not because of a woman. (He took a young girl along in death who, too, wished to die; but he did not commit suicide on her account.)
This is not the standard account of the suicide. I regard this as an accurate account. It is certainly one that is worth considering.
I also invoke the insights of the enormously learned founder of the Department of Sociology at Harvard University in 1933, Pitirim Sorokin. He offered these cultural categories which he saw as successive: idealistic, ideational, and sensate. Wikipedia summarizes:
In his Social and Cultural Dynamics, his magnum opus, Sorokin classified societies according to their 'cultural mentality', which can be "ideational" (reality is spiritual), "sensate" (reality is material), or "idealistic" (a synthesis of the two). He suggested that major civilizations evolve from an ideational to an idealistic, and eventually to a sensate mentality. Each of these phases of cultural development not only seeks to describe the nature of reality, but also stipulates the nature of human needs and goals to be satisfied, the extent to which they should be satisfied, and the methods of satisfaction. Sorokin has interpreted the contemporary Western civilization as a sensate civilization, dedicated to technological progress and prophesied its fall into decadence and the emergence of a new ideational or idealistic era.
The most impressive recent historical study of this decline into decadence is Jacques Barzun's magnum opus, From Dawn to Decadence -- 500 Years of Western Cultural Life, 1500 to the Present (2000). It was published when he was 93. He died at age 104.
I do not believe that historical interpretations that rest heavily on categories of inevitable development provide anything like a secure foundation of historical analysis. But I do believe that there are general categories relating culture and historical development. These connections are much looser than grand theorists would like us to believe, but there are general categories. The categories I use are the ones found in Deuteronomy 28 and Leviticus 26. They are fundamentally ethical categories. In this sense, I am in sympathy with Lind's analysis.
THE WEST AND THE REST
Western analysts are hypnotized by the categories of "the West and the rest." These categories are rapidly disappearing. I think it is safe to say that, within half a century, the technological distinctions between the West and the rest will no longer be significant. We do not know whether the cultural distinctions will still be significant. I think they will be far less significant.
New technologies and exponentially declining costs of information will undermine the present world order. The gatekeepers are in full retreat in the West, and they have been for two decades. The symbol of this retreat is the success that Matt Drudge had in reporting Newsweek's spike of the story of Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinsky. He posted a series of reports on Sunday evening, January 17, 1998. The original reports are here. Three days later, the Establishment media ran the story. The Establishment media could no longer control the flow of information. This was a monumental breakthrough. Drudge became a multimillionaire, while Newsweek went bankrupt in 2010.
On February 2, Time grudgingly ran this assessment: "The Internet made this story. And the story made the Internet. Clinterngate, or whatever we are going to call it, is to the Internet what the Kennedy assassination was to TV news: its coming of age as a media force. Or some might say media farce." The author held his nose.
Let's not give Drudge too much credit. Though he thumbs his nose at traditional news outlets, they supply most of his information. His sources are inside the media, not (usually) inside the institutions they cover. His scoops -- including this one -- are generally stuff the grownups either have declined to publish or are about to publish. Having pilfered other folks' material, Drudge has the considerable gall to emblazon his own E-mail dispatches with the warning, WORLD EXCLUSIVE. MUST CREDIT THE DRUDGE REPORT.
There is a case to be made, however, for lower standards. In this case, the lower standards were vindicated. Almost no one now denies there is a legitimate story here. Taped conversations and suspected subornation of perjury moved the story safely beyond furtive rumors of sexual dalliance. For Drudge, though, furtive rumors of dalliance are enough.
Even for traditional media journalists, furtive rumors of dalliance are enough -- at least to gossip about among themselves, if not to share with their readers and viewers. There is something slightly elitist about the attitude that we journalists can be trusted to evaluate such rumors appropriately but that our readers and viewers cannot. Actually, though, almost everybody has the same standards -- that is, almost none -- in passing along juicy rumors to friends and colleagues.
Information is vastly less expensive for readers to access today, and the wide range of interpretations available to the public is greater than at any time in the history of man. There is a great amount of chaff, but there is far more wheat than ever before. This is a huge advantage for consumers of information and also for decentralized decision-making. Liberty is far greater today than at any time in the history of man, and the falling cost of information is the primary source of this liberty. Liberty is going to increase, not decrease, from now on.
CULTURAL DECLINE
Lind believes that the West is declining culturally. It is not difficult to make this case. But there is more to the world than the West. Culturally, China today is vastly superior to what it was under Mao. The Soviet Union is far better off culturally today than it was under Stalin and his Communist successors. I think the same can be said of India. The traditional local oligarchies of Asian village life are under siege from new technologies. Cheap smart phones, when coupled with free Internet service provided by Amazon, Google, and Facebook, no later than 2030, will complete the destruction of these oligarchies within half a century. It may not take this long.
I believe that nice guys do not finish last. I believe that honesty is the best policy. I believe that righteousness is productive, and debauchery is unproductive. I believe that drug addicts and alcoholics self-destruct, and hard-working people who are committed to their families are successful in the long run. The patterns of success and failure are ultimately ethical and covenantal, not technological. But advancing technologies steadily decrease the costs of production. This decentralizing process favors hard-working, thrifty people far more than it favors debauched people and political power-seekers. The Soviet Union and Red China are no more. This was not random.
This is why I do not agree with Lind's overall assessment. Bad as the West's cultural decline may be, it is not unilateral. It is also not universal. There is more to civilization than the West. The West's cultural decline threatens the elitist Western Establishments far more than it threatens the rest of us.
Therefore, there's good news tonight!
Happy new year.