If Donald Trump does not
wish to collaborate in the destruction of his presidency, he will refuse to be
questioned by the FBI, or by a grand jury, or by Special Counsel Robert Mueller
and his malevolent minions.
Should
Mueller subpoena him, as he has threatened to do, Trump should ignore the
subpoena, and frame it for viewing in Trump Tower.
If
Mueller goes to the Supreme Court and wins an order for Trump to comply and
testify to a grand jury, Trump should defy the court.
The
only institution that is empowered to prosecute a president is Congress. If
charges against Trump are to be brought, this is the arena, this is the forum,
where the battle should be fought and the fate and future of the Trump
presidency decided.
The
goal of Mueller’s prosecutors is to take down Trump on the cheap. If they can
get him behind closed doors and make him respond in detail to questions — to
which they already know the answers — any misstep by Trump could be converted
into a perjury charge.
Trump
has to score 100 on a test to which Mueller’s team has all the answers in
advance while Trump must rely upon memory.
Why
take this risk?
By
now, witnesses have testified in ways that contradict what Trump has said.
This, plus Trump’s impulsiveness, propensity to exaggerate, and often rash
responses to hostile questions, would make him easy prey for the perjury traps
prosecutors set up when they cannot convict their targets on the evidence.
Mueller
and his team are the ones who need this interrogation.
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For,
after almost two years, their Russiagate investigation has produced no
conclusive proof of the foundational charge — that Trump’s team colluded with
Vladimir Putin’s Russia to hack and thieve the emails of the Clinton campaign
and DNC.
Having
failed, Mueller & Co. now seek to prove that, even if Trump did not collude
with the Russians, he interfered with their investigation.
How
did Trump obstruct justice?
Did
he suggest that fired NSC Advisor Gen. Mike Flynn might get a pardon? What was
his motive in firing FBI Director James Comey? Did Trump edit the Air Force One
explanation of the meeting in June 2016 between his campaign officials and
Russians? Did he pressure Attorney General Jeff Sessions to fire Mueller?
Mueller’s
problem: These questions and more have all been aired and argued endlessly in
the public square. Yet no national consensus has formed that Trump committed an
offense to justify his removal. Even Democrats are backing away from talk of
impeachment.
Trump’s
lawyers should tell Mueller to wrap up his work, as Trump will not be
testifying, no matter what subpoena he draws up, or what the courts say he must
do. And if Congress threatens impeachment for defying a court order, Trump
should tell them: Impeach me and be damned.
Will
a new Congress impeach and convict an elected president?
An
impeachment battle would become a titanic struggle between a capital that
detests Trump and a vast slice of Middle America that voted to repudiate that
capital’s elite, trusts Trump, and will stand by him to the end.
And
in any impeachment debate before Congress and the cameras of the world, not one
but two narratives will be heard.
The
first is that Trump colluded with the Russians to defeat Hillary Clinton and
then sought to obstruct an investigation of his collusion.
The
second is the story of how an FBI cabal went into the tank on an investigation
of Clinton to save her campaign. Then it used the product of a Clinton-DNC
dirt-diving operation, created by a British spy with Russian contacts, to
attempt to destroy the Trump candidacy. Now, failing that, it’s looking to
overthrow the elected president of the United States.
In
short, the second narrative is that the “deep state” and its media auxiliaries
are colluding to overturn the results of the 2016 election.
Unlike
Watergate, with Russiagate, the investigators will be on trial as well.
Trump
needs to shift the struggle out of the legal arena, where Mueller and his men
have superior weapons, and into the political arena, where he can bring his
populous forces to bear in the decision as to his fate.
This is the terrain on which Trump can
win — an us-vs-them fight, before Congress and country, where not only the
alleged crimes of Trump are aired but also the actual crimes committed to
destroy him and to overturn his victory.
Trump is a nationalist who puts America
first both in trade and securing her frontiers against an historic invasion
from the South. If he is overthrown, and the agenda for which America voted is
trashed as well, it may be Middle America in the streets this time.
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