Thursday, July 27, 2023

The Rampant Black Violence On American Military Bases, by Eric Striker - The Unz Review


The story of a black American Army private who ditched a tour of the DMZ and ran into North Korea has taken over the news cycle due to its novelty value, but the incident is an opportunity to discuss the anarchy and dysfunction the United States exports to its satellite states through its 750 overseas bases in 80 countries.

According to recent news reports, 23-year-old “defector” Travis King, has been the aggressor in multiple acts of violence against Koreans while stationed in the country. King’s record has multiple incidents ranging from beating up a man at a night club, menacing Koreans on the street with threats and racial slurs, and attacking police officers.

Under America’s Status of Forces agreement (SOFA), it is difficult for local authorities to prosecute US military personnel when they prey on locals. Korean prosecutors went easy on King by ordering him to pay for the police car he damaged, which he refused to do.

US authorities, who get the last say when it comes to punishing military contractors and staff for crimes in surrounding areas, often treat the citizens around them with contempt. Look no further than the case of King, who was supposedly in custody being escorted by military police to be flown to the United States to face further punishment, yet somehow wound up on his own three hours away from the nearest airport to go sightseeing at the DMZ.

Many large US military bases abroad are microcosms of America, featuring Taco Bells, hip hop dance clubs, lots of drugs, and plenty of crime mirroring US racial issues. There are now 55,000 US troops in Okinawa, Japan, 28,500 in South Korea, and 33,000 in Germany, and contrary to the Washington foreign policy establishment’s claims, this presence is not seen as a welcome security buffer against supposed geopolitical threats, but instead commonly rejected by locals as forced occupation, national humiliation, and a source of anarchy.

It is no secret that domestic US military installations such as Fort BraggFort Bliss, and Fort Hood, which are the most racially integrated communities in America, are warzones full of black and Mexican gang activity, rampant homicide (including above average rates of interracial crime), and sexual assaults (including against men). Whites on base commit crimes too, sometimes as accomplices of blacks or Mexicans in drug related crime, but this occurs at or below the proportion of European descended soldiers.

Not as much is known about how this moral degeneration inside of the military effects populations abroad, where the US government has enormous sway over client regimes that actively help in covering up the scope of local atrocities and criminal behavior in order to avoid upsetting the population.

Foreign governments may support US military presence on their soil, but the people do not. Many Zionist foreign policy figures panicked and ultimately overturned President Donald Trump’s attempt to pull troops out of Germany and Korea, calling it a betrayal of allies, but the idea remains popular. Recent surveys have found that the majority of Germans want American soldiers to go home, while Okinawans regularly hold massive protests (in one instance, 50% of the islands population came out) demanding what they perceive as a spawn point for exploiters, rapists and murderers under the red, white, and blue flag to close for good. Following the deaths of two Korean schoolgirls at the hands of negligent American tank drivers in 2002, one of the largest and sustained expressions of anti-Americanism in an “allied” nation soon followed.

The History of Black Military Violence

It is challenging to find accurate statistics related to crimes (especially parsed by race) by US troops perpetrated outside of active war zones abroad, as a Pentagon study seeking information on suspected “racial disparities” in military disciplinary investigations recently found out. Yet there is vast anecdotal information that adds up to data. When it comes to crimes committed in foreign lands, victims often feel it is pointless to report them, since most of the time authorities cannot prosecute culprits and US officers generally seem to turn a blind eye to anything short of homicide.

Going back to the Second World War, black servicemen have been overrepresented among serious offenders. According to archival evidence, out of the 70 American soldiers executed for vicious rapes and murders in the European theater of WWII, 55 of them were black. Prior to a 1983 Supreme Court decision outlawing the death penalty in the military, 11 out of 12 soldiers executed for capital crimes were black. During this period, blacks represented a mere 10% of the entire American armed forces.

These numbers are staggering even compared to regular racial crime disparities within the US. Part of the reason for the hugely lopsided black representation among rapists and murderers is that blacks have typically served in service roles rather than active combat ones, where civilians have typically been cleared out. But it is hard to argue that there is not a racial dimension as well. Looking at records of punishments during this time period, we can see that disciplinary action was more evenly meted out across the races for lesser violations, such as drunkenness or insubordination, which suggests a particularly sadistic streak emerges in a relatively high number of blacks when they feel like they can access power over an occupied or host population. It should be noted that military prosecutions for barbaric acts during WW2 were largely limited to punishing crimes committed against people in Allied nations such as France, England and Italy (which after a coup against Benito Mussolini, joined the Allies in 1943) and only after the initial welcome (in the case of England, this included black soldiers, who they saw as victims of American Jim Crow) quickly transformed into local outcry. The scope of violent criminal behavior by US troops targeting civilians in Japan and Germany during the war has never been officially accounted for.

In respects to Japan, there are scraps of evidence available — largely from Japanese sources along with brief mentions in American books and newspapers — pointing to systematic and gratuitous murder and sexual assault targeting men, women and children. In some cases, physical evidence remains, such as the 1945 Katsuyama killing incident, where three black GIs who periodically entered the town to rape the women were eventually killed by a few remaining Japanese soldiers who had hid in the jungle to fight on following their nation’s capitulation. The remains of the black GIs were discovered in a cave in 1997.

No matter where in the world the black 24th Infantry Regiment went, mayhem followed. In one instance, the 24th was ordered out of its Japanese installation to formally enter the Korean war. On July 11th, 1950, the night before departing for Korea, 200 black soldiers from the regiment staged a completely unprovoked riot in the nearby town of Kokura, where they indulged in mass looting, muggings, sex attacks on women (including in front of their families), and the murder of Japanese bystanders. According to eyewitness testimonies and primary sources collected by Japanese historians, they overwhelmed the frightened small town Japanese police, so the rampant savagery concluded only after a gun battle between the black servicemen and US military police. This same regiment had conducted itself in an identical fashion during the First World War, when in 1917 they murdered 16 white people in Houston, Texas in a mutiny. The 24th was a constant source of headaches for American commanders until it was formally disbanded in 1951 for its long record of deplorable conduct.

This was by no means the only crime committed during this period. Black soldiers, using the cover of mobilization, were most actively engaged in predatory violence during shortly before going into Korea. Another largely forgotten example is the cruelty of a soldier named James L. Clark, whose race is listed as black in military records. Clark was sentenced to death for breaking into the home of a Japanese family demanding sex and killing them all afterwards. The story was dramatized by Japanese writer Seicho Matsumoto, who despite being a Marxist, describes in detail the unique savagery towards the Japanese displayed by blacks.

Soldiers of all races are known to engage in excesses in war zones, but black violence against random Europeans and Asians near their military bases has always notably high. At Fort Leavenworth, where military executions were conducted, the overwhelming majority of those hung were black. Modern critical race theorists have pointed to this as a sign of criminal justice bias, but in their writings omit the gruesome details of the crimes committed by black defendants that created aggravated circumstances meriting death over life imprisonment, such as the rape and crippling beating of an 11-year-old Austrian girl, various sadistic attacks against white taxi drivers, and a 1954 murder spree that killed two fellow soldiers and their German girlfriends.

The Problem Has Only Gotten Worse

With the advent of the Civil Rights movement and its disparate impact doctrine, crime on and around US bases is bound to increase. Since 2020, the Department of Defense has embarked on a project to close racial disparities in military justice, which will inevitably export the violent black crime wave currently gripping the US. The world is being subjected to unchecked and escalating rates of black violence, except now white officers afraid of having their careers ruined by accusations of racism approach the issue like judges and prosecutors in the homeland: always siding with the black criminal.

Moral cowardice is a hallmark of the top brass of the American military. In 1995, three black US Navy servicemen abducted a 12-year-old Japanese school girl, tied her up and beat her, then proceeded to gang rape her in their van. The families of the accused men took to friendly Jewish media to claim they were victims of the racist Japanese, who after decades of interaction, commonly associate crimes by American soldiers with blacks. This is not the product of institutional racism, on the contrary, during the 1995 incident the Japanese government and controlled media conspired to actively suppress photos of the rapists from being released out of fear that it could provoke a racial backlash. The lack of seriousness that the attack was initially received with by authorities was exemplified by Adm. Richard C. Macke, then commander of the US Forces in the Pacific, who insolently responded to local anger by calling the culprits “stupid,” not for torturing a little Japanese girl, but because they should’ve used the money spent to rent the van used in the crime to get Japanese hookers instead. The three men were released in 2002.

Between 1972 and 2019, 6,000 crimes — at least 10% of which have been serious assaults, rapes and murders — have been committed by US troops against Okinawans. Thousands have also been injured or killed in accidents caused by incompetent military personnel. The Japanese government and media defer to Washington and have sought to dismiss grievances over the intolerable situation by publishing bogus graphs that claim Okinawans — who are the poorest people in Japan — commit more crimes per capita than the soldiers do. This data is circulating online in English-language Japanese press, but it is a dishonest statistical trick that compares the apples of common native offenses like petty theft or illegal gambling with the oranges of serious crimes by US servicemen in the area such as aggravated assaults or penetrative sexual attacks.

In Korea, 50,000 crimes were committed by US troops between 1967 and 1998. In the low crime East Asian country, American personnel commit hundreds of violent assaults and burglaries every year, while rapes occur at a rate five times higher than among locals. The scope of the problem has been reduced somewhat over the years after commanding officers began deploying extreme measures, such as locking down the entire base, when a serious crime causes controversy, yet nevertheless, news reports quote Koreans as being “more afraid of the U.S. military peacekeepers than the North Korean regime.”

In Germany, US military police has been forced to start patroling local bars and train stations due to a recent violent incidents between American soldiers and German cops.

Smaller bases are having these problems too. Last year, a woman of Mexican descent serving in the US Air Force ran over and killed a teenage Italian boy while driving drunk near the Aviano air base. The boy’s grieving mother wants the suspect to be tried in an Italian court, telling local news outlets “we all know that the soldiers on the Aviano base in this area do what they like, that they don’t respect the rules,” but local prosecutors have said they may not be able to charge the intoxicated driver due to SOFA regulations. There are other recent instances featuring cases of US troops stationed in Latin America organizing multi-million dollar drug smuggling and human trafficking rings.

At home and abroad, our military is an outgrowth of our society, and our society is a disgrace. Those occupied by Washington’s regime — whether they are Germans in Nuremberg, Japanese in Okinawa, or rural Louisiana whites near Fort Polk — are unhappy with the immediate impact of the imperial project we did not ask for.